Health Care.
United Health Care | Universal Health Care
United Health Care | Universal Health Care
Jul 31st
Over time, we have become a nation focused on health. We now refer to most of the choices we make as healthy or unhealthy. We talk about the health of the economy, our school systems, and our relationships. As a parent, your top priority is likely how to raise a healthy child. How often do we hear expectant mothers say they don’t prefer one gender over another “as long as the baby is healthy.” These tips offer ways to raise a physically, emotionally, and academically healthy child, from any age.
PHSYICAL HEALTH
Schools across the country are creating and enforcing stricter standards for food served during school hours. This includes food brought into the building by staff and parents, specifically for holiday or birthday parties. One parent, Terese Guerriero of Morris County, New Jersey, calls it “the death of the home-baked cupcake.” Guerriero expresses frustration at not being able to bring in a special treat for her children’s birthdays and says her family has healthy routines that involve enjoying a treat on occasion. She also cites financial concerns for some families, saying that her children’s school district only allows items that are brought in their original packaging, including fruit. Since it is more expensive to buy prepared fruit platters than to make your own, this presents a dilemma for some families. Enjoying a birthday cupcake probably wouldn’t be a big deal these days if children were enjoying healthy food and exercising as a part of their daily routine. Here are some ways to get your child on that path.
Turn off the TV
Allot each of your children a specific amount of time they are permitted to watch TV each day. For older children, you could give a weekly amount and give them the freedom to use the hours as they wish, but keep in mind that may be harder to enforce.
10 Minute Workouts
Each day, spend 10 minutes engaging in some physical activity. It could be walking the dog, utilizing an exercise DVD, or shooting some hoops. Do something and do it everyday.
Carrots Not Cookies
Introduce healthy foods at an early age and show your children how delicious these foods can be. For children who are picky eaters, look for recipes that “hide” fruits and vegetables by using purees as an ingredient.
EMOTIONAL HEALTH
Your child’s emotional health consists of learning to trust others, feeling safe, and being confident. Being emotionally and physically present for your child is the way to establish these feelings. These are some tips for beginning to develop your child’s emotional health.
Dinner Time = Talk Time
Connecting with your child daily is the most important step to creating a sense of safety and security. Find time every day to be physically and emotionally close to your child. You can discuss the days events, headlines in the news, or upcoming family events. The most important thing is not what you are talking about, but rather the fact that you are talking each day.
If you practice a religion, practice the religion
Practicing a religion or faith means actively engaging your child in discussions and rituals associated with your beliefs. If you have a belief that is important to you, share it with your child in an open and honest way so they can understand your values and feel connected.
Acknowledge Their Feelings
There is a stigma in some cultures or households regarding showing emotion. This can often lead to confusion, frustration, and even depression as children learn to bottle their feelings instead of talking about them. Let your child know that it is OK to feel sad, nervous, or angry and give them ways to express these emotions appropriately.
ACADEMIC HEALTH
The focus on your child’s academics should be “Is she making steady progress?” not “Is she getting straight A’s?” This isn’t to say you shouldn’t challenge your child to do her best, but focusing on the product as opposed to the process can be counter-productive. Start with these ideas for fostering a healthy academic experience.
Say “I don’t know”
There will inevitably be times when your child will ask for help with his homework and you won’t have the answer. Showing your child how to find answers can be more important than having the answer. Problem solving is a skill that will benefit your child in all areas of school work and social situations.
Establish a Positive Relationship With the Teacher
Communicate to your child’s teacher that you are looking forward to a productive year as you work together to strengthen your child’s skills and academic growth. Showing your children that you are on board with their school work reinforces the importance of it. Also, remember to say only positive things about your child’s teacher in front of him. Save the negative comments for your spouse as your child will likely relay them back to the teacher and damage your relationship.
Ask the Teacher for Homework
Check in with your child’s teacher about once a month and ask what you can work on at home. Your teacher will be happy to give you topics or skills to reinforce at home and may be able to give you examples of how to do so. Making education a part of your daily routine shows your children that learning is fun and important to you.
If you have young children, the key is to remember that you can establish healthy routines from the get go and your children will jump on board without a fight. They won’t miss the soda and chips if they never had them. If reinforcing academic skills while chatting at the dinner table is the norm, they will be willing participants. If you have older children and are looking to change your family’s ways, remember to model what you expect of your children. Have a family meeting to discuss the changes that will be coming to the cupboard and stick with your decision to live a healthier life.
Jennifer Cerbasi teaches at a public school for children on the autism spectrum in New Jersey. As a coordinator of Applied Behavioral Analysis programs in the home, she works with parents to create and implement behavioral plans for their children in an environment that fosters both academic and social growth. In addition to her work both in the classroom and at home, she is also a member of the National Association of Special Education Teachers and the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.
Tags: medical health care, health care economics, health care ethics, oklahoma health care authority, canadian health care, health care reform, mental health care, health care management, dog health care, cardinal health care
Jul 31st
A public health insurance option won’t stand between you and your doctor, straight from the doctors’ mouth. That’s 450,000 physicians for real, strong health care reform with a public health insurance option:
Tags: health care crisis, health care, united health care provider directory, health care in vietnam, outline of american health care system, health care web site development, united health care insurance, essay on single payer health care, oklahoma health care authority, hispanic health care in the us
Jul 31st
As the wheeling and dealing of getting a health reform bill passed takes center stage in news coverage, one aspect of the debate is not getting the attention it deserves: the affordability of health care. To keep the cost of the bill and of health insurance down, Congress seems to be moving toward more cost sharing by patients even though mountains of research shows that higher out-of-pocket costs lead people to forego medically necessary care. That leads us further from the goal of guaranteeing everyone has access to quality, affordable health care when they need it.
Tags: health care plan, against universal health care, cardinal health care, health care power of attorney, health care logistics, universal health care, health care promotion, philippine health care delivery system, united health care, alberta health care
Jul 31st
Tina Dupuy makes a good point:
Let’s look at this reasonably: Firefighting used to be a private for-profit industry. In the 1800’s, the early days of urbanization, in cities like New York and Baltimore, there were private “clubs” or “gangs” who were in charge of putting out fires. The infamous Boss Tweed started his illustrious political career at a volunteer fire company. The way it functioned was the first club at the scene got money from the insurance company. So, they had an incentive to get there fast. They also had an incentive to sabotage competition. They also often ended up getting in fights over territory and many times buildings would burn down before the issue was resolved. They were glorified looters. It was corrupt, bloated and expensive – but at least it wasn’t the much maligned “government controlled.”
Around the time of the Civil War, firefighting in big cities was reformed and taken over by the government. Currently firefighters in most major metropolises are trained by the government, employed by the government and given health care – wait for it – by the government.
Yet if we had to have the “conversation” about the firefighting industry today, we’d have socialism-phobic South Carolina Sen. Jim DeMint on the TV every chance he could get saying things like, “Do you want a government bureaucrat between you and the safety of your home?”
Rep. John Boehner of Ohio would hold press conferences and ask, “Do you want your firefighting to be like going to the DMV? Do you want Uncle Sam to come breaking down your door every time some Washington fat cat says there’s a fire?”
There would be 30-second TV spots paid for by the powerful firefighting lobby featuring stars and stripes graphics and the national anthem playing softly in the background with a booming voice-over trumpeting, “Founding Fathers George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were volunteer firefighters. Support traditional values and oppose government waste. Tell your representative you want a bi-partisan solution to fire reform.”
News programs would be interviewing sobbing people whose homes fell through the cracks and burned to the ground. “I don’t want to see the government take-over firefighting, but I sure miss Momma’s oil paintings.”
And President Barack Obama would relay his childhood experience with a fire then point out the failure of the for-profit firefighting industrial complex that “threatens to bankrupt this country.” And then those most in need of firefighting services would foam about his birth certificate and confuse Karl Marx with Charles Darwin on misspelled protest signs at events put on covert firefighting lobbyists.
But instead, today firefighters are national heroes. They’re organized, quick, competent and with few exceptions pillars of the community. Their duty is to protect people and their property and they do it. They make no profits, are part of the government and they help people 24-hours a day. They even let seniors live. No debate necessary. What started out as a shady gaming of the system where the general public’s welfare was at risk is today something of national pride.
The private health insurance industry today is much like the private firefighting industry of the 1800s. Their incentives don’t align with the purpose they ostensibly exist to serve. Private firefighters fought with each other instead of putting out fires. Private insurance companies throw bureaucrats at you to deny you care and to save their shareholders money instead of keeping you healthy.
Now, why again does the private industry not deserve a little competition from an entity that has only one goal in mind – your health?
Tags: health care web site development, essay on single payer health care, intermountain health care, health care cash plan, problems with universal health care, alberta health care, health care problems, kerry and health care, health care statistics, health care supplies
Jul 31st
During my recent interview with Bill Moyers, I explained that the sight of Americans being forced to wait in line for charity health care was one of the experiences that inspired me to leave my job as an insurance industry public relations executive.
The insurance industry, its business allies and its shills in Congress are doing their best once again to scare us away from real health care reform, just as they did 15 years ago. Using the same tactics and language they did then, insurers and their cronies are warning us that America will be sliding down a slippery slope toward socialism if the federal government creates a public insurance option to compete with the cartel of huge for-profit companies that now dominate the health insurance industry.
One of the false images they try to create in our minds is of long waits for needed care if our reformed health care system resembles in any way the systems of other developed countries in the world–systems that don’t deny a single citizen access to affordable care, much less 50 million of them.
Here is a real image, and a very scary one, that I wish those overpaid insurance executives and members of Congress could have witnessed before dawn a few days ago: a thousand men, women and children standing for hours, in the dark, in a line that seemed to be endless, waiting patiently for a chance — a chance because the need is so great many are turned away — to get much-needed care from a volunteer doctor.
Tags: holistic health care, cardinal health care, intermountain health care, non medical in home health care services, franciscan health care, apria health care, mercy health care east, health care issues in america, obama health care, french health care
Jul 31st
Birther Roy Blunt has been on a rampage against Medicare, saying the other day the patent lie that “Medicare has never done anything to make people more healthy,” despite the millions of healthy seniors on Medicare.
The anti-Medicare argument has been taking hold in other corners, with Rep. Tom Price, chairman of the Republican Study Committee, authoring an op-ed that mostly attacks Medicare as a reason the new Republican tax health care plan is a good idea:
Going down the path of more government will only compound the problem. While the stated goal remains noble, as a physician, I can attest that nothing has had a greater negative effect on the delivery of health care than the federal government’s intrusion into medicine through Medicare. Because of Washington’s one-size-fits-all approach, its flawed coverage rules and broken financing mechanisms, seniors are increasingly having care rationed while federal health spending spirals out of control.
This is, as we say in Washington, bull. Medicare covers virtually the entirety of our senior population, and does it at lower cost and higher quality.
And, that bull is just about the entirety of the Republican argument against health reform it seems: No health reform, because Medicare is awful.
Of course, the plan Price is pushing isn’t so much of a plan and more of a John McCain retread, with lots of talk about taxes and no new ideas for how to lower our health care costs or provide more coverage at an affordable price.
But it’s good to know Price hates Medicare. That puts him at odds with 86% of seniors, people who are actually on Medicare.
Update:
A friend reminds me it’s Medicare and Medicaid’s birthday today, too! On July 30, 1965, President Johnson signed Medicare and Medicaid into law, providing a lifeline to millions of elderly Americans and low-income families who would otherwise not have been able to afford health care.
I’m sure Blunt isn’t celebrating, but millions or seniors and low-income Americans are.
Tags: health care promotion, health care logistics, long term health care, home health care, against universal health care, home health care products, advocate health care, france has long wait times for health care, united health care insurance, health care administration
Jul 31st
Family Research Council Ad: Fear, Not Facts – Media Matters
One of the several emerging misleading arguments against health insurance reform is that the reform legislation will allow taxpayer dollars to fund abortion. Now, the Family Research Council has released an ad that implies that Planned Parenthood’s funding of reproductive services will somehow prevent another individual from undergoing surgery.
A look at health care plans in Congress – Associated Press
A look at health care legislation taking shape in the Democratic-controlled House and Senate as President Barack Obama pushes to overhaul the system, cover nearly 50 million uninsured Americans and contain rising costs. Many of the details are still being negotiated and any final health care bill would have to meld proposals from the House and Senate.
House Democrats End Impasse on Health Bill – New York Times
Efforts to pass sweeping health care legislation took a big step forward on Wednesday as House Democratic leaders reached an agreement with fiscally conservative party members that would cut the bill’s cost and exempt many small businesses from having to provide health benefits to workers.
Health deal sparks fury on the left – The Hill
A House leadership deal with Blue Dogs and an aggressive marketing push by Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.) shifted the healthcare debate sharply toward centrist positions Wednesday, sparking threats of rebellion from the left.
Health Care Reform Coming Out of Senate Finance? – The Health Care Blog
And, as I have posted here before, I am concerned that in their efforts to find compromise they are headed for a health care bill that is based on a formula of cost containment “lite,” minor paring of Medicare and Medicaid provider payments, and at least $500 billion in new taxes. I don’t see much changing fiscally if that is the final result in a health care system that is already unsustainable and on the way to spending upwards of $35 trillion to $40 trillion over the next ten years as it goes to 22% of GDP by 2018.
What Does The Blue Dog Compromise On Health Care Say About The Blue Dogs? – Think Progress
After arguing that the House health care bill did not do enough to lower long term health care spending, Blue Dog Democrats hijacked the House Energy and Commerce Committee and promised to vote down the bill unless Chairman Henry Waxman (D-CA) heeded their concerns.
The Deal With the Blue Dogs – The New Republic
The big news on health reform is a deal that will allow the House Energy and Commerce Committee to pass legislation. As you may recall, nearly identical bills have already moved through two other House committees, Education and Labor along with Ways and Means. But it’s gotten hung up in Energy and Commerce, where the Blue Dog Democrats have kicked up a fuss, protesting everything from the bill’s size to the inclusion of a public insurance option.
The Public Plan You Won’t Have Access To – Matt Yglesias
Ezra Klein defends his longstanding contention that the public plan isn’t the most important aspect of the health care debate by noting that as currently envisioned in even the liberal House version of legislation the public plan is available only to people in the Exchange and most people aren’t in the Exchange.
Tags: health care plan, united health care provider directory, health care web site development, role of an advocate in health care, france has long wait times for health care, mental health care, health care problems, free health care, health care issues in america, mercy health care east
Jul 31st
by Morgan Clark
Our Bodies Ourselves intern
The first day of my internship with Our Bodies Ourselves began with a fascinating web conference on reproductive and environmental health, organized by Reproductive Health Technologies Project. Presenters from Planned Parenthood of Connecticut, Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice, and MomsRising spoke about their …
[This is a content summary only. Click the headline to visit Our Bodies, Our Blog for the full post, links, other content and more!]
Tags: exploring health care careers, primary health care, alternative health care, holistic health care, health care crisis, health care problems, mental health care, franciscan health care, health care administration, united health care dental
Jul 31st
The internet, social media, web 2.0 etc have changed how important health care issues are discussed. So, it is not surprising that big health care organizations are trying to use these new media to promote their messages. New media, however, are no more immune from the effects of conflicts of interest than are old media.
An article from corporate communications company Ragan.com about how the American Heart Association (AHA) is using bloggers to get people interested in a heart-healthy diet and exercise program illustrates how even “civilian” bloggers can get caught up in the web of conflicts of interest that pervades health care. The background is:
Keeping track of the conversations on the array of social media networks can gobble up your workday. So why not find someone else to do it for you?The American Heart Association did just that, approaching four established bloggers with a proposal: Write about our new campaign, Go Red For Women: BetterU, and we’ll link to your blog from our site. BetterU is a 12-week online nutrition and fitness program to improve heart health among women.
The blogs appear to be working. They’ve helped drive traffic to Go Red/BetterU since the program’s June 1 launch.
It did seem that the AHA went to considerable effort to make sure they had recruited just the right bloggers.
The AHA researched potential candidates with the help of agencies Edelman PR and Edelman Digital. After a month-and-a-half, they settled on four bloggers: Joshilyn, Nyasha, Stacey, and Nadia.
The criteria: The bloggers had to be female, have an enthusiastic following, be diverse in age and ethnicity, and have a high Technorati rating. Most important, their content and advertising had to align with the association’s values, says Director of Marketing Anu Gandhi.
‘You’re really ultimately picking a spokesperson for Go Red for Women and the larger American Heart Association,’ [senior manager for cause communications Megan] Lozito says. ‘That’s a really important process for us — that it be correct and that it be the right people. So we spent a lot of time getting to know those ladies and making sure our mission would be aligned.’
More interesting was the values with which the bloggers were supposed to align, particularly those relating to the program’s corporate sponsors (see the logos at the bottom right of the BetterU web-site).
From there, the association brought the bloggers to the Dallas headquarters for a full health screening at The Cooper Institute, a photo session, a preview of the BetterU program, and some message training.
Although the BetterU bloggers got some message training in Dallas, Gandhi says AHA has been hands off when it comes to what they can and can’t say about the program.
The bloggers are asked to post once a week about BetterU and follow basic guidelines—no profanity, no defamation, no writing about nor condoning any medications or treatments. She says they also ask bloggers not to talk about competitors of AHA’s two national sponsors: Macy’s and Merck Pharmaceuticals.
I would suspect that the explicit instruction not to favor Merck’s competitors would also remind the bloggers not not do say anything that might make the giant pharmaceutical company unhappy.
Eight weeks into the program, they haven’t had any problems.‘There are things we don’t want them to write, like profanity, but that’s also part of the vetting in the beginning,’ Lozito says. ‘We wanted to find people who believe in our mission, who speak to the same type of audience, but at the same time we want them to have their own flavor and own tone, because it’s a blog.’
So the bloggers recruited by the AHA may be happy, since they now have a big organization’s web-site driving traffic to their blogs. The AHA may be happy, since the bloggers can spread the word about their BetterU program. I imagine the marketers at Merck may be happy too, since the bloggers have been warned about the need to keep the corporate sponsors happy. However, what may be good for all the parties in this transaction may not be so good for the general public, as another opportunity for uninhibited, honest discussion of health care issues has been lost.
This is an explicit example of the adverse effects of commercial funding of not-for-profit disease advocacy groups. Corporate sponsors may not expect anything as gross as advertising in return for their money. However, they may expect something more subtle, a generally favorable attitude toward the sponsor, at least the disinclination to say anything that might put the sponsor in a negative light. After all, politeness requires that we be nice to the people who are nice to us. But being nice to sponsors may not be so nice for the people that a health care not-for-profit organization is supposed to serve.
PS – for those who like science fiction, see the preview of the new version of “V,” in which Anna, the leader of the Visitors, an invasion force disguised as human-appearing, benign aliens, warns her television interviewer,
Just be sure not to ask anything that would put us in a negative light.
Tags: home health care jobs, united health care provider directory, obama on health care, health care supplies, pet health care, aarp health care options, health care issues in america, health care administration, cardinal health care, canadian health care
Jul 31st
While in the UK recently, I met Michael Balle, the author of the Shingo Prize winning book The Gold Mine: A Novel of Lean Turnaround. He has a new book (published by LEI, my employer) just out this week called “The Lean Manager.”
Michael has offered to take questions from Lean Blog readers that he’ll answer here in written form. If you have questions about The Gold Mine, lean transformation, or lean leadership, you can submit the questions in one of three ways:
Here is an intro to Michael via the Evolving Excellence blog.
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Tags: united health care dental, ethical issues in health care, health care statistics, health care occupations, health care ethics, medical health care, mental health care, hispanic health care in the us, assurant health care, cigna health care
Jul 31st
By Andy Wagner:
The New York Times recently published an essay by Matthew Crawford, based on his new book “Shop Class as Soulcraft: An Inquiry Into the Value of Work“. In his inquiry into the value of work, Crawford takes on Taylorism’s separation of thinking from doing in a way that only a philosophy PhD with his own classic motorcycle repair shop can:
The dichotomy of mental versus manual didn’t arise spontaneously. Rather, the twentieth century saw concerted efforts to separate thinking from doing. Those efforts achieved a good deal of success in ordering our economic life… Yet to call this “success” is deeply perverse, for wherever the separation of thinking from doing has been achieved, it has been responsible for the degradation of work.
He goes on to argue that it is in the crafts and trades that thinking and doing are permitted to exist in their natural state, and work to retain its full dignity. He doesn’t think much of the new “creative class” and includes continuous improvement under that name:
The rhetoric of freedom pleases our ears. The simulacrum of independent thought and action that goes by the name of “creativity” trips easily off the tongues of spokes people for the corporate counterculture… The term invokes our powerful tendency to narcissism, and in doing so greases the skids into work that is not what we had hoped.
Freedom to be creative means nothing if a worker, blue or white collar, hasn’t first mastered his trade and mastery itself is not possible without a physical and mental connection. Deming highlighted this in Point 12, “Remove barriers that rob workers of pride in workmanship” and he applied this message to managers as well as the hourly worker.
I think most lean thinkers relate well to what Crawford and Deming have to say in terms of engaging the minds of hourly workers. It’s the first thing that we think of when we say “Respect for People”. It’s Crawford’s critique of the “cubicle class” that strikes much deeper, into the heart of some problems with corporate America:
Corporations portray themselves as results-based and performance-oriented. But where there isn’t anything material being produced, objective standards for job performance are hard to come by. What’s a manager to do?
He compares this with the shop floor, where a foreman uses a micrometer to check a workpiece and rule in unambiguous terms whether a worker has done his job correctly or not.
At issue in the contrast between office work and manual trades is the idea of individual responsibility, tied to the presence or absence of objective standards.
The subjective standards to which Crawford refers remind me of Bill Waddell’s ever enjoyable rants against Standard Cost Accounting. What could better epitomize Crawford’s point that managers, out of touch with the objective “doing” of the shop floor, find themselves frustrated by chasing metrics that stray from reality, metrics that they are rarely able to influence in a meaningful way.
And so it began for me: my first week on the floor, one of the more senior union workers took me aside and with one of the most dire serious faces I’ve ever seen said: “Whatever you do with these people, don’t ever lie to them.”
Management doesn’t so much lie, as Crawford points out, as they double talk and hedge to avoid responsibility for things they lack objective ability to control:
When a manager’s success is predicated on the manipulation of language, for the sake of avoiding responsibility, reward and blame come untethered from good faith effort. He may then come to think that those beneath him in the food chain also can’t be held responsible in any but arbitrary ways… It is in this… system of language… that the world of managers resembles that of Soviet bureaucrats, who had to negotiate reality without public recourse to language that could capture it, obliged to use instead language the whole point of which was to cover over reality.
More to the point:
Given the moral maze inhabited by managers, we can understand why those higher in the hierarchy must absent themselves from the details of the production process: such abstraction facilitates non accountability.
Is it any wonder Enron, Fannie, Freddie, and AIG are household names?
In Crawford’s conclusion, he suggests that the most satisfaction comes in work that we understand objectively, with our hands and with a satisfied customer customer close by to help us to appreciate the result. He gets this by helping people to restore old motorcycles, watching their faces when the motor turns over and they drive away smiling. His “gemba” is riding with friends in the Blue Ridge Mountains, feeling what is and isn’t a well tuned suspension. He thrives on the brotherhood of excellence that exists between perfecting their skills and intuition for their craft.
I think his “Soulcraft” piece is off the mark in one respect. He doesn’t think to much of manufacturing, in that he views it as a unredeemed Taylorist institution. It’s not a trade or craft to build a new motorcycle because the screws are not stripped–they always turn, and the castings are not covered in grease or dirt. It’s repetitive, the same every time, or so he perceives it. The lean thinker, however, sees it differently. Our trade–our craft–and our brotherhood of excellence, is the pursuit of continuous improvement of each task, every time, thinking and doing.
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Tags: exploring health care careers, pros and cons of universal health care, free health care, health care ethics, health care cash plans, cardinal health care, humana health care, health care logistics, elderly health care, holistic health care
Jul 31st
Tags: health care web site development, ethical issues in health care, health care cash plans, free health care, canadian health care system, health care proxy, health care supplies, health care in vietnam, united health care provider directory, obama on health care
Jul 31st
More than a month ago, the mainstream media’s coverage of health care reform turned sour. I’m not sure why, but that negativity has extended to the way the press is reporting on the president himself.
Today, the New York Times reported that a new poll reveals that “Americans are concerned that revamping the health care system would reduce the quality of their care, increase their out-of-pocket health costs and tax bills, and limit their options in choosing doctors, treatments and tests. The percentage who describe health care costs as a serious threat to the American economy — a central argument made by Mr. Obama — has dropped over the past month.”
I fear that the way the media has been reporting on reform has played a significant role in shaping the public’s perception of both the president and what some like to call “ObamaCare,” personalizing the issue, as if reform were merely the president’s favorite hobby-horse.
Begin with the coverage of health care reform. Over the past month,,Media Matters has done an excellent job of tracking how “the media continues to spread conservative misinformation on health care reform.” Here are just a few examples:
“Despite clear progress, media declare health care reform nearing "life support"
“On health care reform, networks highlight perceived setbacks far more than progress” July 22
“Politico ignores contradictions in calls by “moderates” for lower costs, limits on public plan” July 20
“CBS' Smith advanced falsehood that Dems are taxing small businesses to fund health bill” July 19
“NY Times ignores House health bill's exemption protecting small businesses”
“Wash. Post column cites inapplicable CBO assessment to claim public plan option has ‘huge cost, minor benefit’” July 07
“CNN.com joins Republican fear-mongering about Canadian-style health care” July 07
And I’m not even including the over-the-top distortions of the truth that have become regular fare on Fox News, and in the pages of some decidedly conservative newspapers.
In light of the compromises that Senate Democrats are making, one could argue that the press was correct earlier this month, when it declaried that health care reform was headed for trouble. But I can’t help but wonder: to what degree did the headlines become a self-fulfilling prophecy?
Less than two weeks ago, it seemed that Senator Baucus’ political capital was falling, and that the Senate HELP committee bill, along with the House bill, might well define the terms for reform. But the media continued to “highlight setbacks far more than progress.”
Moreover, Media Matters is right in pointing out that the press failed to analyze the contradictions in the Blue Dog’s arguments as they simultaneously criticized progressive Democrats for creating reform bills that “did not include enough cost savings,” and at the same time, insist that any public plan should pay doctors and hospitals more than Medicare pays. The Blue Dogs seem to be winning on that last point (As I have explaind in the past, while the Blue Dogs press for across-the-board increases for all rural providers, the .House bill would hike Medicare paymetns for treatments that provide greater benefit to patients–including primary care, while lowrering very lucrative paymetns for some treamens that are far less effective.)
How then would the Blue Dogs save money? In the House, legislators have now agreed to reduce the federal subsidies designed to help lower-income families afford insurance. As I have pointed out in the past, if they are going to be able to afford mandated insurance, middle-income families also will need help from the government. And now it appears that the the subsidies may not be sufficient—certainly not not if a family wants comprehensive insurance.
What I find most disappointing is that when the 1,018 page House Plan was made public, even progressive newspapers failed to give readers much-needed, solid information on the strengths of the plan. How many Americans know that, under the plan approved by three House committees: insurers would not be able to charge co-pays for preventive care—including eye and foot exams for diabetics; insurers would not be allowed to “cap” coverage, either annually, or over the course of a customer’s lifetime; adult children would be able to remain on their parents’ insurance plan through age 26, or that Medicare would pay doctors for the time that it takes to explain the continuum of end-of-life services available to critically ill patients, including palliative care and hospice care?
What all of this adds up to is security. No family would ever again go bankrupt because a child suffering from cancer had blown through their insurance plan’s life-time cap on reimbursements. No parent would have to worry that her twenty-something might be in a car accident—and then find himself in a situation where he received subpar care– because he didn’t have insurance. No one would have to fear watching a loved one die in screaming pain because the doctor never explained that “palliative care” was available. (Palliative care specialists aretrained to control pain–this is not easy.. They also counsel critically ill patients, explaining treatment options.)
Last week, I attended a conference where Dr. Donald Berwick, founder of the Institute for Health Care Improvement, noted that: “Both politicians and the media have been stressing that health care reform is going to be very difficult. Either we are going to have to ration care” denying care to 80-year-olds “or we are going to have to tax employer-based insuracne.”
“This just isn’t true,” Berwick told an audience who understood what he was saying. They had just spent the day discussing ten U.S. communities that have succeeded in reducing health care spending and improving the quality of care—without rationing and without taxing. “There is a third way,” Berwick declared, “reforming the health care system.”
This is just what the House bill would do, funding half of the needed savings by making structural changes in our bloated system while raising the other half with a modest tax increase for Americans at the very tip-top of the income ladder. I’ve written about the structural changes here , the tax hike for the top 1 percent here.
Rather than offering accessible analysis of the text of the House bill, too many newspaper articles reverted to spreading fears in unsettling “What’s In It For Me?” stories like this one. This piece ends: “In recent weeks, polls have shown that a solid majority of Americans support the stated goals of health reform government-run insurance plan. Most want the uninsured to be covered and want the option of a government-run insurance plan. Yet the polls also show that people are worried about the package emerging from Congress.
“Maybe they have a point,” the writer added.
To its credit, on Sunday the New York Times finally ran an editorial headlined “Healthcare Reform and You” that tackled the question: “How does my family stand to benefit from health insurance reform?” and then answered it, showing how reform will help virtually every American family, even if you already have good group coverage.
The editorial does an excellent job of addressing fears that reform means we will all wind up paying more: “If President Obama and House Democratic leaders have their wa, the entire tax burden would be dropped on families earning more than $250,000 or $350,000 or $1 million a year, depending on who’s talking.”
More importantly, the Times observes: Many Americans reflexively reject the idea of any new taxes — especially to pay for others’ health insurance. They should remember that if this reform effort fails, there is little hope of reining in the relentless rise of health care costs. That means their own premiums and out-of-pocket medical expenses will continue to soar faster than their wages. And they will end up paying higher taxes anyway, to cover a swelling federal deficit driven by escalating Medicare and Medicaid costs.”
The editorial disposes of conservative fear-mongering about reform “rationing” care: “Critics have raised the specter that health care will be ‘rationed’ to save money. The truth is that health care is already rationed. No insurance, public or private, covers everything at any cost. That will not change any time soon.”
What will be different uned heath-care reform, is that care would be rationed, not by for-profit insurance companies, but by physicians and other health experts looking at medical evidence to determine which treatments work best for particular patients. The “bills call for research and pilot programs to find ways to both control costs and improve patients’ care,” the Times explains.
“The bills would alter payment incentives in Medicare to reduce needless readmissions to hospitals, the Times' editorial continues. "They would promote comparative effectiveness research to determine which treatments are best but would not force doctors to use them."
The editors do acknowledge that not everyone will be happy. “Healthy young people who might prefer not to buy insurance at all will probably be forced to by a federal mandate.” But, “That is all to the good,” the Times argues. “When such people get into a bad accident or contract a serious illness, they often can’t pay the cost of their care, and the rest of us bear their burden.Moreover, conscripting healthy people into the insured pool would help reduce the premiums for sicker people.”
I would add that, under the House bill, insurers are allowed to charge older customers twice as much as they charge younger enrollees for the same plan–which means that, in effect, younger Americans will receive a 50 percent discount on their premiums.
The editorial dispels fears that seniors will be the losers, pointing out that Medicare beneficiaries will receive discounts on brand name drugs. The House plan also phases out the “doughnut hole” which forces seniors to begin paying the full cost of their drugs out of pocket once their insurer has paid out a certian amout..
The piece concludes: “The AARP, the main lobby for older Americans, has praised the emerging bills and thrown its weight behind the cause. All of this suggests to us that the great majority of Americans — those with insurance and those without — would benefit from health care reform.”
(Kudos also to the Washington Post which ran an article yesterday that included some helpful bullet points explaining provisions in the House plan.) I wish we had seen more pieces like this when the plan was first released.
Yet, after publishing an encouraging editorial on Sunday, yesterday the Times reverted to stirring up fears in a news story headlined: “Democrats Push Health Care Plan While Issuing Assurances on Medicare.”
The article itself is far from reassuring. It states: “Democrats in Congress plan to finance about half the cost of the legislation by squeezing savings from Medicare. The White House says benefits will not be cut and beneficiaries will not be hurt.”
That’s it—no explanation that Democrats would squeeze savings from Medicare by trying to eliminate ineffective care that provides no benefit for the patient in question. As a result, the White House assurance that “beneficiaries will not be hurt” sounds hollow.
Then the Times repeats the conservative lie that healthcare reform will promote “euthanasia for the elderly”: “A provision of the House bill would provide Medicare coverage for the work of doctors who advise patients on life-sustaining treatment and “end-of-life services,” including hospice care. “Conservative groups have seized on this provision as evidence that the bill could encourage the rationing of health care. The Family Research Council, for example, said the bill would ‘limit end-of-life care.’ The House Republican leader, Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio, said, ‘This provision may start us down a treacherous path toward government-encouraged euthanasia.’”
Again, that’s it. No rebuttal. The article just moves on to another topic, without explaining that the House bill would pay doctors to explain palliative care to patients, making it clear that that palliative care is all about giving patients options– by providing full infromatinon about the the benefits and side effects of various treatments. With that knoweldge, patients (or families) can play a role in deciding which treatments to pursue. Palliative care is not about abandoning hope. Patients continue to receive potentially life-prolonging treatments as long as they want them. Why didnn't the Times spell that out? It just takes two senteneces.
It’s one thing to tell both sides of the story, another to repeat canards without deconstructing them. I fact, even if a reporter tries to expose the lie, unless his argument is quite powerful, a phrase like “government-encouraged euthanasia” may well linger in the reader’s mind.
The Times' story ends by explaining that President Obama wants to “eliminate billions in unwarranted subsidies to insurance companies in the Medicare Advantage program” and then gives Robert E. Zirkelbach the final word. He is , spokesman for America’s Health Insurance Plans, a trade group for insurers. The Times tells us: "Zirkelbach says “that if Congress made those cuts, ‘beneficiaries would face higher premiums and reductions in benefits, and in some parts of the country, they might lose access to their Medicare Advantage plans.’ When Congress cut Medicare payments in the past, he said, insurers withdrew from some counties.”
Meanwhile the Washington Post, like the Times, continues to see-saw on reform, explaining it one day, slamming it the next day. Tuesday it published an Op-ed by CBO director Douglas Elmendorf’s mentor, Martin Feldstein. (I have written about Elmensdorf and his Feldstein here. Fedlstein’s piece is jam-packed with misinformation—and just plain silliness. Referring to the Dartmouth Research, Feldstein offers no argument, but simply writes: “I just don’t believe it.”
Oh, okay, I guess that settles that.
Clearly, an economist with no particular expertise in healthcare is in a better position to judge more than two decades of research done by physicians at Dartmouth than the thousands of physicians and medical researchers who have endorsed Dartmouths's findings. In the early 1990s, many in the medical community were still trying to poke holes in the Dartmouth research. That was nearly 20 years ago. Now, both the cognoscenti of medicine, and the mainstream press have reached a conclusion: Dr. Jack Wennberg and the Dartmouth team were right.
The only question that remains: what do we do about the waste in our system?
Many would argue that papers like the Washington Post should publish OP-eds by writers representing a wide spectrum of political views. I completely agree. But that doesn’t mean that a newspaper should publish Op-eds by people who know nothing about the subject that they are writing about.
Princeton economist Paul Krugman likes Feldstein personally. In the past he has praised him. But this Op-ed was too much, and earlier this week, Krugman’s criticism was scathing:
“Pundits don’t have to be right about everything . . . They do, however, owe it to the public to make enough effort to get basic facts right . . . One possibility is that Feldstein really is that ignorant of the health-care basics; if so, he has no business writing an op-ed on the subject, just as he had no business writing an op-ed on climate change policy (Yes, I write about subjects on which I’m not an expert — but I do my homework first.)
“The alternative possibility is that Feldstein knew that he was saying something false, but did it anyway in the hope of scaring his readers.
Krugamn concluded: “I don’t know which is worse.”
What is perhaps most troubling is that the negative spin is not confined to coverage of health care reform. At times, is seems that the mainstream media is turning on President Obama himself, in a free-floating critique that isn’t directly connected to the issues.
Here’s one small but telling example: In a story about the recent press conference where the President argued for health care reform, the New York Times wrote: “he sounded cerebral as he delved into policy specifics for nearly an hour and tried to link them to the concerns of ordinary Americans."
Yes, now, at long last, we have a “thinking president.” Health Care reform is a very complicated topic. The President was using his intelligence to describe reform—and the alternative—as clearly as possible. Yet the Times’ writer must know that in our society, “cerebral” is, without question, a pejorative term.
The.Dictionary.com definition of the word is telling: “betraying or characterized by the use of the intellect rather than intuition or instinct: His is a cerebral music that leaves many people cold.” The American Heritage dictionary definition is even more damning:” to or requiring the use of the intellect; intellectual rather than emotional: "His approach is cerebral, analytical, cautious" Appealing to or requiring the use of the intellect; intellectual rather than emotional.”
The knock on Obama is that “he’s too intelligent”? Would we rather have a leader who appealed to our instincts and emotions? Didn’t we just see that movie? And this criticism of Obama is coming from the New York Times, supposedly the nation’s paper of record, a thinking-man’s newspaper.
Still some observers suggest that the president needs to reach out to people where they live—in their hearts, not in their heads. But today, the Washington Post criticized the President for trying to follow that advice. First, the Post quoted Obama pollster Joel Benenson saying: "I believe the more we know about underlying values and attitudes, and those deeply held attitudes that shape what people think, what they bring to the table, the more we can fine-tune a message. The more you understand what they are bringing to the table, the better you can connect with them."
"That's one of the things we are very conscious of," he aded, " really kind of using language that reflects the language that people actually use."
Then Washington Post staff writer Michael Shear felt a need to editorialize: “That admission opens Obama up to the charge of pandering, of telling people what they want to hear rather than what they need to hear.” Shear then turned to “Gail Gitcho, the press secretary for the Republican National Committee” to finish the job, repring hat Gitcho “says the reliance on polling proves that Obama ‘is running a PR machine’ out of the Oval Office.” The headline on the story: “Poll Results Drive Rhetoric of Obama's Health-Care Message.”
Finally, of course, the re isthe press response to Gates-Gate. The president was surprised by the reaction , and I was too.
I wasn't 'shocked that the press blamed Havard professor Henry Louis Gates. The media doesn't see distinguished schoarls as celebbirites. . But I was caught off guard by the way reporters blamed President Obama for what he said at his press confrence, suggesting that the police made a misake, by arresitng Gates in his own home, after they had determiend they he hadn't broken in and wasn't a burglar. Gates was arrrested for being disrespectful to a police officer.
Consider what Washington Post columnist Chris Cillizza had to say: “the media swirl that has developed in the wake of Obama's comments last night reveals just how critical message discipline is when you sit in the White House. “The Administration wanted today's message to be about the urgent need for health care reform — but instead saw much of the coverage focused on whether Obama stepped too far out on a limb in his defense of Gates.
"Again, the long-term impact of the Gates story is minimal,” Cillizza added. “But, for every minute of press coverage it draws is a minute not being spent pushing the idea of the necessity of health care reform.”
Whoa . . . Anyone who has watched President Obama over the past fifteen months realizes that he does not need to be lectured about the need for “discipline.” This is not a man who lacks impulse control. Moreover, Cillizza, like many in the press, seems to be blaming Obama for the fact that the media was “distracted” from healthcare reform. The truth is that the president could only watch, as the media itself leaped on a story with racial overtones and ran with it.
Tuesday night, I happened to catch Cillizza on television, keeping the narrative going as he once again declared the president “wrong.”
When I think of the amount of ink that has been spent on Gates-Gate. . . Certainly the fact that African Americans are “profiled” is worth comment –as is the question of how a policeman should respond if a citizen who has not committed a crime shouts at him. (I tend to think the motto: “Sticks and Stones Will Break My Bones, But Names Will Never Hurt Me” should be posted in all police academies. But this is only a mother’s personal opinion.)
In any case,what is certain is that the the Gates-Gate story has gone on for far too long. In the meantime, as the Times noted today, most Americans seem to have forgotten that out-of-control health care spending represents “a serious threat to American economy.”
Perhaps the media might begin using some of those Gates-Gates space and minutes to remind us of what will happen if Congress does not pass legislation that calls for deep, structural health-care refrom.
We need editorials and news stories that drive the point home: if health care spending continues to climb by 8 percent a year, not only does that guarantee that your health care costs will double in nine years, it also means that the deficit spiralls and other nations become increasingly skeptical about the dollar. The cost of imports will climb, and at some point oil-producers will no longer price oil in dollars. If that happens energy costs will skyrocket, and you can expect a decline in the U.S. standard of living. As for healthcare—without reform, in ten years only the wealthiest 5 percent of the nation will be able to afford decent care. The rest of us will be lucky if we have Medicaid.
If this sounds apocalyptic, ask yourself this: Two year ago did you think that we were heading toward the deepest recession/depression that this nation has seen in eighty years?
Tags: health care costs, health care ethical issues, pros and cons of universal health care, obama’s health care plan, health care administration, rates for non medical home health care, united health care dental, canadian health care, franciscan health care, health care software
Jul 31st
The road to health care reform is peppered with landmines that threaten to derail passage of truly comprehensive legislation. Some of these landmines are predictable: cost projections that go beyond $1.6 billion; controversy over new taxes and a public plan; worries about rationing and a government-takeover of health insurance.
There are other, less obvious, issues that conservatives can use to ignite controversy. Abortion, which I’ve written about here, is one divisive issue that could delay progressive reform. Another potential deal-breaker is health coverage for immigrants—an issue that has simmered just below the surface for a while now. A recent move by legislators in Massachusetts to drop some immigrants from that state’s health care roll could be a harbinger of what’s to come in federal health reform efforts.
Here’s the background: Earlier this month, the Massachusetts legislature decided to drop state-subsidized health coverage for 30,000 legal immigrants—those who have green cards but have been residents for less than five years. Dropping the immigrants—non-disabled adults who are 18 to 65 years old—is expected to save the state $130 million next year.
Some commentators both inside and outside the state tried to portray the immigrants as illegal aliens who were “freeloading” off the state for health benefits. In fact, they are documented, permanent residents who are able to work and live in our country legally. Like American citizens, they pay taxes and can join the military to fight our wars—many go on to become citizens.
In justifying the legislature’s decision to cut coverage for this group, State Treasurer Tim Cahill told the State House News Service (a subscription service) that immigrants may be receiving the message, “Come to Massachusetts and we’ll cover you.” Cahill went on to say, "That's not really protecting our own citizens who have grown up here and spent their lives here and want to either raise a family or keep their family here, like I'm trying to do."
Governor Deval Patrick, facing a budget crisis tied to a $3.2 billion drop in state revenue, but wanting to keep his commitment to universal coverage, proposed restoring $70 million to the $28 billion state budget to cover some of these immigrants. The latest news is that Massachusetts legislators decided to restore about $40 million in funding, but it’s not clear what benefits this will pay for.
State legislators are not willing to budge any more and the public seems to agree. In an editorial in the Boston Globe entitled “Who Comes First in the State,” columnist Joan Vennochi sees cutting coverage for immigrants as a necessary evil:
“The $70 million Patrick wants to restore is a tiny piece of a $28 billion state budget. But if I were being asked to do it, I would first consider the big picture. The Massachusetts healthcare reform law was passed in 2006 without a dedicated revenue stream to support its costs and with the expectation that serious cost containment measures would be implemented.
“Until then, there isn’t enough money to pay for the universal coverage promised by the law. Until then – as cold as it sounds – the most vulnerable Massachusetts citizens should come first.”
Much has been written about the fundamental problems Massachusetts faces in financing its grand scheme to achieve universal health coverage. Trudy Lieberman’s series, “Health Reform Lessons from Massachusetts” for the Columbia Journalism Review is a great resource for learning more about the topic. But besides the lack of cost-control and the lack of a steady source for financing universal coverage, a new lesson from the Massachusetts experience is that, when it comes to health care, apparently immigrants are expendable.
Before we can talk about immigrants and health care reform we need to specify which kind of immigrants we’re talking about. According to the Census Bureau, in 2006 there were 37.5 million immigrants living in the U.S., some 12.5% of the population. About 40% of those who were foreign-born are naturalized citizens (i.e. they fulfilled the necessary requirements for U.S. citizenship). Then there are the illegal immigrants. Although it’s hard to know for sure, the government estimates that about 11.5 million immigrants are living here illegally. The rest (my math gives me about 13 million) are legal immigrants who have been in the country for varying amounts of time—but work and pay taxes.
Whatever their legal status, our country’s economy depends on immigrants of all types. They comprise some 15.6% of the workforce, many of them employed in lower-paying jobs in the service, agricultural and construction industries. Contrary to charges made by foes of immigration, these newer arrivals contribute more than they take from our economy.
The Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugees Advocacy Coalition, (which opposes the coverage cuts for legal immigrants in Commonwealth Care) points to the recent report “Massachusetts Immigrants by the Numbers: Demographic Characteristics and Economic Footprint,” to highlight valuable contributions immigrants make to the state’s economy:
“The report shows conclusively that the state’s immigrant population ‘countervails the net out‐migration from Massachusetts to other states’ and offsets the aging of our native‐born workforce. Indeed, immigrants represent a larger percentage of the workforce (17 percent) than they do of the general state population (14 percent). The report also shows that ‘immigrants pay into the state income tax system at a higher rate than their percentage of the population.’”
Although they clearly contribute to our economy, immigrants are more likely to be uninsured than any other segment of the population. Approximately 47% of non-citizens lack health insurance, compared to 15% of U.S. citizens. While undocumented immigrants are the least likely to be insured because they do not receive coverage through their employers and do not qualify for any public programs, legal permanent residents—those we’ve admitted into the country on a permanent basis who work, pay taxes, serve in the military, become U.S. citizens—are also ineligible for federal programs (like Medicaid) for at least 5 years.
Immigrants are often portrayed as being a huge drain on our health care system. Conservatives write about emergency rooms overflowing with undocumented aliens, clamoring for free care that hospitals must provide under EMTALA laws. They spin scary stories about “medical tourists,” sick immigrants who come to America specifically to get treatment once they are admitted through the ER.
It is true that certain hospitals in border states like Texas and Florida provide uncompensated care to many immigrants, and the federal government never fully pays them for that care. A court decision in Florida handed down earlier this week illustrates the problem, while pointing to the public’s increasingly hard stance on immigrants. A jury decided that a hospital in Stuart, Florida did not act unreasonably when it chartered a plane and sent a severely brain-injured patient who was an illegal immigrant back to Guatemala without the consent of his legal guardian.
The saga began when the man was hit by a drunk driver and brought to the emergency room in dire shape. Months later, after he was stabilized, the hospital tried to transfer him to a nursing home, but because he didn’t qualify for Medicaid, none would take him. The Guatemalan man ended up “boarding” in the hospital for several years at a cost of more than $1 million. By comparison, the $30,000 the hospital spent to send him back to live in a village with his ailing mother was chump change.
But despite these anecdotes from over-stretched hospitals, and rants from legislators who call for sealing the borders to new arrivals, immigrants are actually not exacting a heavy toll on our health care system.
In a study published in July’s American Journal of Public Health, Leighton Ku, director of the Center for Health Policy Research at George Washington University’s School of Public Health, found that recent immigrants (those who have been in the U.S. for fewer than 10 years) were responsible for only about 1% of public medical expenditures even thought they constituted 5% of the population.
This is not surprising because, as noted before, undocumented and legal immigrants who have been in the U.S. for fewer than 5 years are not eligible for Medicaid (except for emergency coverage or in a few states that mostly provide coverage for pregnant women and children.)
More surprising is that Ku found that recent immigrants who were fully insured over a 12-month period had medical costs that were half the size of their U.S. born counterparts. Established immigrants had medical costs that were two-thirds the size of U.S.-born citizens. Lu and others have found that immigrants are less likely to have chronic health problems like diabetes, heart disease, hypertension or arthritis and are much less likely to report being in fair or poor health.Finally, as well as seeing doctors far less frequently, recent immigrants have lower rates of hospital admissions and emergency medical visits than native-born Americans.
These figures point to the fact that 1) immigrants are generally healthier than their U.S.-born counterparts, 2) they use fewer medical services and emergency visits and, therefore 3) those that are able to purchase private insurance, end up subsidizing the care of U.S.-born citizens.
In their report, “Health Care: Sharing the Costs, Sharing the Benefits,” the folks from the Immigration Policy Center try to correct some of the major misconceptions Americans have about immigrants and their perceived drag on our overburdened health care system:
“The majority of the growth in the number of uninsured individuals between 2000 and 2006 consisted of U.S. citizens. Citizens made up approximately 80% of the increase, while noncitizens accounted for approximately 20%.”
“Millions of immigrants want the opportunity to purchase affordable health insurance so they can stay healthy, work, and care for their families. Allowing millions of immigrants to purchase affordable health care will result in the payment of billions of dollars in insurance premiums, helping to pay the cost of health reform in America.”
So far, Congress has managed to avoid a confrontation over immigrants and health care reform by maintaining that they comprise two entirely separate, and arguably—equally difficult—issues for legislators. In fact when asked about it directly, Senate Finance Committee Chair Max Baucus answered;
"[W]e're not going to cover undocumented workers. That's too politically explosive.”
President Obama also does not support providing government health coverage for illegal immigrants; except, he told CBS’ Katie Couric, in the case of children who should be offered vaccinations and basic care to prevent the spread of infectious disease.
But Obama did say that he wanted legal residents to be eligible for coverage under a new health care plan. So far, he hasn’t defined which ones will be eligible. Will reform include the recent legal residents who, until now, have been denied federal programs until they’ve been here for more than five years?
How do Americans feel about providing immigrants with health coverage? A poll conducted in June by pollster Rasmussen Reports, found that 80% of voters oppose providing government health care coverage for illegal immigrants; only 11% support it as part of health care reform. The poll—like others–failed to ask the question about recent legal immigrants.
In the end, it looks like Congress will continue to avoid the issue of what to do about illegal immigrants and health care. And judging by public opinion, dodging the issue may not be a bad idea right now. The best legislators can do is follow the example of the SCHIP program and allow immigrants to sign up for benefits with just a social security number, without asking for other proof of citizenship.
But providing coverage for all legal immigrants is important. By dropping 30,000 legal immigrants from Commonwealth Care, Massachusetts will only shift the cost back to the “safety net” that is currently in place to deal with the small percentage of residents who remain uninsured. These include community health centers and hospitals that are mandated to offer care without concern about payment. Abby Goodnough, writing in the New York Times lays it out this way:
“If the full $130 million cut survives, hospitals that provide free care to the poor will need to spend an additional $87 million this year treating immigrants who lose their coverage, according to the Massachusetts Hospital Association. That would come on top of a $40 million cut in the state’s Health Safety Net, which reimburses such hospitals, said Tim Gens, the association’s executive vice president.”
On a national scale, the problem only grows larger. The best solution would be for the federal government to reinstate legal immigrants’ eligibility for Medicaid and SCHIP—increasing the number of low-income residents who have health insurance coverage and reducing the strain on safety net services. Meanwhile, if immigrants are allowed the opportunity to purchase insurance through a new health plan, these healthier individuals will end up subsidizing care for the native-born population—further disproving the myth that immigrants represent a drain on our health care system.
Tags: humana health care, universal health care, aarp health care options, health care accounts receivables outsourcing, health care cash plans, home health care, hispanic health care marketing, pros and cons of universal health care, health care promotion, oklahoma health care authority
Jul 31st
Yesterday’s national polls, conducted by New York Times/CBS News and WSJ/NBC News, and reported today by their sponsors, The New York Times, “New Polls Finds Growing Unease on Health Plan” and the Wall Street Journal, “Support Slips for Health Plan,” indicate the more President Obama talks up and defends his plan, the more skeptical the public becomes.
This slippage brings to mind two things.
One, the story of the mother who who sent her son out on a stormy day and gave this advice,”Big wind, take small steps.”
Two, one of the main underlying themes of my book Obama, Doctors, and Health Reform (IUniverse, 2009). In the book, I predict incremental reform is likely and big reform will not happen.
Here are passages in the book on the likelihood of incremental versus massive reform.
Page 5
Although President Obama strikes a determined, even combative tone, I place odds for sweeping reform at 30/70 in his first term, but as near slam dunks for immediate incremental changes such as coverage for children, stem cell financing, funding for electronic records, setting in motion a Comparative Effectiveness Institute, and extended Medicaid unemployment benefits.
Page 10
Under President Obama, health reform is coming – fast, ready or not. But in my opinion, reforms will be incremental, but we’ll not see the whole enchilada – universal coverage.
Page 144
What are the ultimate answers to the primary care shortfall? If I knew that, I would be a candidate for a combined Nobel Prize in Medicine and Economics. Here are a few evolving development that may offer incremental solutions.
• Government and organized medicine payment reform (read the latter as a new coding system by the reimbursement updating committee of the AMA) that spills over into Medicare, Medicaid, and health plan payments.
• Government subsidies and incentives that ease educational debt for primary care candidates, reward care for primary care in underserved areas, and offer more extensive support of primary care residency slots.
Here are a few evolving development that may offer incremental solutions.
• Government and organized medicine payment reform (read the latter as a new coding system by the reimbursement updating committee of the AMA) that spills over into Medicare, Medicaid, and health plan payments.
• Government subsidies and incentives that ease educational debt for primary care candidates, reward care for primary care in underserved areas, and offer more extensive support of primary care residency slots.
• Federal, state, and health plan support of medical homes with adequate payments for creating these homes and lowering of bureaucratic barriers for physicians wishing to create medical homes.
• Realistic rising of fees for care of Medicare and Medicaid populations to more closely approximate private fees and to end cost shifting now required maintaining viable practices and hospitals.
• Federal, state, and health plan support of medical homes with adequate payments for creating these homes and lowering of bureaucratic barriers for physicians wishing to create medical homes.
•Page 160
I would not bet against significant incremental health reform. What might prevent Obama-style helath reform are the economy, the soaring federal budget deficit, the Department of Health and Human Services current $708 billion budget, and 25% of federal spending going to Medicare and Medicaid. But Obama is not one to let billions, even trillions of dollars in deficitsstand in his way. He will persist, and he will let the government printing presses roll.
Page 221 -
Physicians on the ground prefer incremental changes through expanding coverage through tax incentives and market-driven changes rather than through a single-payer system.
Page 269
Self: Is there any way to fix the system?
Alter Ego: Sure, but it’s going to incremental, it’s going to be painful, it’s going to be by trial and error, it’s going to be by testing and rejecting entrepreneurial innovations, and it’s going to be through an uneasy symbiosis between government and business, with business leading the way in many instances, because its survival is at stake in the global economy and because business can move quickly and decisively. The prospect of bankruptcy in the morning concentrates one’s attention.
To sum up, big wind, take small steps.
Tags: health care reform, french health care system, long term health care, health care reform in the 1990’s, canada health care, maricopa county special health care district, outline of american health care system, france has long wait times for health care, canadian health care, coventry health care
Jul 31st

Forty-four years ago today, LBJ signed Medicare into law. At the time, 40% of the elderly did not have health insurance. A third of them also lived in poverty. Today, everyone in the country over 65 has a basic level of health security that those of us under 65 still do not enjoy. How to evaluate Medicare on its birthday? Let’s start with this – it’s worked.
The Commonwealth Fund published a study in Health Affairs which can be summed up in a single sentence, “Compared with the employer-coverage group, people in the Medicare group report fewer problems obtaining medical care, less financial hardship due to medical bills, and higher overall satisfaction with their coverage.” Make no mistake, Medicare doesn’t score perfectly. I’m positive you can find bad stories (although a colorful anecdote is never as relevant as years of hard data). In fact, 8% of beneficiaries rated their coverage “fair or poor,” but that’s a pretty good number – way better than the 18% private insurance got. The same study showed that reported problems of access to care increased from 12% in 2001 to 18% in 2007 – but private insurance in 2007 was at a shocking 45%. And, in keeping with the moral reasons for which Medicare was first founded, only 14% reported a problem paying bills – better than the 35% for private insurance, and the presumably 80-100% of the uninsured. Note that this holds true even though the Medicare patient base is, by definition, older, sicker and usually poorer than those in private insurance.
National Journal, hardly a bastion of liberal thought, comes to the same analysis in regards to Medicare’s popularity. In their analysis of data from the Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Services, they found that 56% of Medicare beneficiaries rate their coverage a 9 or 10 on a scale of 10 (only 40% for private insurance.)
More importantly, the higher scores for Medicare are based on perceptions of better access to care. More than two thirds (70 percent) of traditional Medicare enrollees say they “always” get access to needed care (appointments with specialists or other necessary tests and treatment), compared with 63 percent in Medicare managed care plans and only 51 percent of those with private insurance.
There are, of course, problems – as there are with any health care system. I’ve gone on at length in other posts about the problems with the fee-for-service reimbursement system, long-term care, and problems associated with the prescription drug plan and Medicare Advantage private HMOs. As the cost of all U.S. health care outpaces inflation, so does Medicare. Since 1970, Medicare costs have risen 8.8% per year. That’s bad, no question, and unsustainable. But over that same time frame, private insurance went up 9.9% per year. Not bad for a government-run program!
In a political climate where once again we’re being told government can’t run anything, people are responding in the most peculiar way. President Obama said at a town hall this week, “I’ve received letters that say, I don’t want a government-run program, I don’t want socialized medicine, and by the way don’t touch my Medicare.” Old reliable government-run Medicare has a golden name. If you want to build on what works, you start with Medicare. Hence, single-payer health care is Medicare for All. When John Edwards and Hillary Clinton pitched their versions of the public health insurance option, they called it, “a public plan, similar to Medicare.” We’re witnessing a revolt by progressives in the House right now against the deal struck with the Blue Dog Democrats about how close the public option will get to Medicare, with a letter of protest proclaiming, “Any bill that does not provide, at a minimum, for a public option with reimbursement rates based on Medicare rates – not negotiated rates – is unacceptable.”
Of course, what’s old is new again for the opposition, as well. Ronald Reagan was the most famous opponent of Medicare’s passage, claiming, “[I]f you don’t [stop Medicare] and I don’t do it, one of these days you and I are going to spend our sunset years telling our children and our children’s children what it once was like in America when men were free.” Classic. Today’s fear-mongering pales in comparison. It’s somewhat surprising to see Republicans so desperate to stop health care reform that they’re willing to demonize and fear-monger one of the country’s most popular programs. But this week, we’re hearing from Rep. Roy Blunt (“Medicare has never done anything to make people more healthy”) and Rep. Tom Price (“nothing has had a greater negative effect on the delivery of health care than the federal government’s intrusion into medicine through Medicare”), all in the same week that conservative after conservative takes to the floor with the most recent big lie about health care reform: Rep. Foxx’s mendacious declaration that reform would “put seniors in a position of being put to death by their government.”
They ought to be ashamed of themselves – really and truly ashamed of themselves – that they’re so willing to say and do anything that they’ll bring back memories of the bad old days, when if you were old and poor there was no care for you and too many seniors had little choice other than death. The bad old days, when the number of those over 65 was half what it is now, and life expectancy over 65 was nearly 4 years shorter. The bad old days, when too many saw “illness crush and destroy the savings that they have so carefully put away over a lifetime so that they might enjoy dignity in their later years.”
As Foxx and Blunt and Price should know all too well, we finally found a way to end the nightmare conditions they warn about. We instituted a government-run program named Medicare. And that has made all the difference.
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Jul 31st

The last presidential press conference was filled with matter on health care, but barely made a dent in the public debate. It was the lowest-rated press conference so far. What coverage it did get focused disproportionately on the last ten minutes, as Obama spoke extemporaneously about the Prof. Gates incident – an event I’ll note we still haven’t stopped talking about. All this even though Obama is erudite and articulate and talks about the future of health care in a way few others do: by pointing out that we’re really talking two health care plans on the table – one where we don’t reform, which will lead doubling of costs, more uninsured, fewer businesses with employer-based coverage, and blowing up the federal deficit; and one where we start to fix the problem, protect our people, bend costs down and make sure all reform is paid for.
It’s a good message. It’s just not resonating. So what will?
As Sen. Olympia Snowe said recently, “If anybody can give me an easy, 30-second solution to this multitrillion-dollar problem, be my guest.” But I’d say the problem isn’t trying to condense a vast and intricately confusing health care system into an easy-to-digest sound bite. You probably wouldn’t be surprised how often people ask me to explain absolutely everything that’s a problem with the current health care system and how the plan(s) in Congress would fix absolutely every problem – and do it in one page or less (and even if you would be surprised, I couldn’t tell you – I’ve lost count). But I think most people don’t actually want that. Why? Because all the information you could ever want on the problems and the proposed solutions — and even the practical impact of reform in your neighborhood — is only a Google search away.
Instead, I think most people want to know just enough for health reform to feel real – that there are tangible benefits for everyone. Me typing that won’t make it real. Barack Obama saying it won’t make it real. They need to see what a “better” future looks like to a real person – someone like them.
So no more press conferences, Mr. President. No more lofty rhetoric, for the moment. No attempt to mathematically prove the cost-benefit analysis. You won’t even need the truly awful individual stories of how our profit-driven health system denies care and does irreparable harm for those unlucky enough to get sick and have either the wrong insurance or no insurance at all.
You just need the East Room, a camera crew, and these four people:
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Jul 31st

The House is back on track. The Energy and Commerce Committee began marking up HR 3200 again this afternoon and will likely finish in the next few days. At that point, all three committees will be done, their staff will work on reconciling discrepancies between the committee mark-ups, and when the House returns in September, a historic full health care reform bill will open for debate on the House floor. All it took was a deal with the Blue Dogs – self-proclaimed fiscally conservative Democrats who effectively shut down Energy and Commerce until their demands were met.
The fact that the deal was struck is a positive – the process can roll on. But most folks are worried first and foremost about what progressives in the House had to give up.
Surprisingly, not a whole heckuva lot. Irate progressive Democrats are already calling this “a sop to the insurance industry,” but the insurance reforms and regulations are intact. For those concerned that the disproportionate weight of the Blue Dogs and their pro-business tendencies would cause the House bill to be watered down, not much water was added. Probably the biggest change – and the one least expected – was that originally the federal government was going to entirely pick up the tab for increasing Medicaid eligibility to all adults at or under 133% of the federal poverty line, as well as all of the cost for increased reimbursement, particularly for primary care, of the most anemic rates in Medicaid. Now states will be asked to pay for 7% of the costs, at lest on the eligibility piece. They’ll whine. A lot. But this still leaves the federal government paying for 93% of the cost.
What now seems like ages ago, the Blue Dogs aggressively suggested they only wanted to see a public health insurance option with a “trigger” – a five year “head start” for private insurance to take advantage of all the new customers and subsidies in the Health Exchange, with a public option kicking in to keep them honest only if private insurance fails to make health insurance affordable on its own (the sound you hear is me laughing so I don’t cry.) They haven’t mentioned that in a while. Instead, they held firm for a public option that does not use Medicare rates at all, but negotiates reimbursement with its providers. It’s a change. But the House public option was always going to transition away from Medicare rates and towards negotiate with providers after three years. The Senate HELP committee likewise uses provider rates from the get-go. The negotiation with the Blue Dogs just anticipated (and resolved) a likely sticking point for reconciliation between the House and Senate bills. The compromise also allows for states to set up their own co-ops. The co-ops won’t replace the public option– they’ll just be an additional choice. No big whoop.
The element I was most nervous about was the cut in subsidies for those towards the high end of eligible income — $43,000 for an individual and $88,000 for a family of four. But the premiums for this income level will be 12% of their income instead of the original 11%. Talk about tinkering around the edges.
As their main bragging point, the Blue Dogs pushed for small business exemption on the employer mandate to go up to payrolls with $500,000 (instead of $250,000). Really, this is moving money around – robbing Peter (subsidies on individuals) and Patrick (Medicaid money from the states) to pay Paul (small businesses). But not really paying Paul that much.
Finally, the total package will be shaved by $100 billion. I’m by nature irked by cutting money just to say you cut money, rather than actually cutting in order to make a bill better. But in this case, I just don’t see that the bill has lost anything. Negotiating with the Senate is likely to change the reform legislation by an order of magnitude more than anything we’ve seen from negotiating with the Blue Dogs, for all of their barking.
That’s why I agree with the dominant sentiment – this was about stalling for time. It’s basically impossible for a House vote before the recess at this point (so Henry Waxman and House leadership agreeing to delay a vote until September is a “no duh”). Hopefully, the Senate Finance Committee – who has an extra week before recess – has a reasonable chance of getting their act together (defined solely as finally producing a draft bill, in this case). As Jon Cohn writes, “[Blue Dogs] want to wait and see what the Senate produces. If they have to take what they consider a hard vote–to raise somebody’s taxes, to change the way Medicare pays for medical services, whatever–they don’t want to stick their necks out any more than is absolutely necessary.”
That’s why the Blue Dogs bit off so little of what makes HR 3200 work. Once the vote was delayed, the rest was gravy anyway.
(Photo credit: eepie on Flickr.)
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Jul 31st
There were some major developments in both houses of Congress on Thursday. And while it's not clear (to me) exactly why these developments took place–let alone what they mean–reform advocates both on and off Capitol Hill seem more than a little bit concerned.
What follows is a rough sketch of what's happened, based partly on printed accounts in publications like Politico and Congressional Quarterly–and based partly on conversations in the last few hours with sources familiar with the latest news.*
Let's start with the House, where the storyline is clearer. On Wednesday, House Energy and Commerce Chairman Henry Waxman announced that he had reached an agreement with four Blue Dog Democrats on his committee.
The precise terms of that agreement are still not public. But it appears that Waxman promised to trim the outlays in the bill by $100 billion overall and to change the public plan so that it would no longer pay at rates pegged to Medicare. (This is important, because paying at rates pegged to Medicare would make the plan less expensive–and, naturally, less remunerative for those who provide medical services.)
Waxman also obtained a guarantee from leadership that a full floor vote would wait until after the August recess, so that Democrats wouldn't have to take "tough" votes–to raise taxes, cut back payments to industry, whatever–without first seeing what the Senate decides to do.
The agremeent, if it holds, should allow Waxman to move legislation out of his committee. That would mean all three of the House committees working on health reform legislation will have produced bills–a historic achievement, particularly given that the three bills will remain very similar even after the amendments. And, yes, they are pretty good bills, all things considered.
But word of the compromise angered many liberals. My colleague Suzy Khimm has a dispatch from a Thursday press conference, which we'll be posting shortly. In the meantime, though, some liberals are suggesting they might not vote for a bill at all if it contains all of those compromises. Of particular concern are the changes to the public plan.
Over in the Senate, meanwhile, the Finance Committee remains the center of attention–although not, it seems, the center of productive activity.
Earlier this week, chairman Max Baucus promised (for what I believe is the ninety-seventh time) that his committee was on the verge of producing legislation. It's now became apparent (again, for the ninety-seventh time) that his committee is not on the verge of anything except, perhaps, a breakdown.
Baucus, as you may know, has been trying to hammer out a deal with a bipartisan group of six members. But on Thursday the most conservative member of the bunch, Republican Mike Enzi of Wyoming, made it clear he didn't think it possible to get legislation ready for the August recess.
By all accounts, Enzi has been under enormous pressure from Republican leadership, which wants no bill at all and sees time as its ally. Whether Enzi was responding to their pressure or simply following his own conscience is anybody's guess. But ranking Republican Charles Grassley has made it clear he does not want to be the only Republican not from Maine voting for the bill.
And so, like Enzi, Grassley on Thursday indicated he doesn't think it's possible to get a deal in time for the recess–although, it's worth mentioning, neither he nor Enzi have walked away from the table completely. When that happened, Baucus announced publicly that there would be no markup before the recess. Tha's where things stand now, pending further announcements.
Of course, if the Republicans hadn't slammed on the brakes, some Democrats might have. West Virginia Senator Jay Rockefeller, who has spent most of his career championing health care reform and is chairman of the health subcommittee on Finance, has been stewing for weeks. He feels marginalized–note that he's not among the six bipartisan members at the table–and, more important, he doesn't like the legislation the bipartisan group is producing.
Rockefeller has been particularly angry about a proposal from North Dakota Democrat Kent Conrad, who is part of the bipartisan group, to create co-ops rather than a true public insurance option. (They've had several heated exchanges, according to several sources.) On Thursday, Rockefeller fired off a series of letters demading information about the idea–which is Rockefeller's way of attacking it as inadequate.
Lurking behind this dispute is a deeper division among the Finance Democrats, over not just the public plan but also the overall size of reform and–in particular–how to pay for it. And, to be clear, it's not just Rockefeller angry at Baucus and the bipartisan group of six. Charles Schumer is right there with Rockefeller, along with some of the other committee liberals. Oregon Senator Ron Wyden is also unhappy with the process, although his ongoing advocacy for the Health Americans Act–the bill he wrote and has been promoting for two years–means he's more or less operaitng on his own, at least within the committee.
The White House, anong others, has been pushing to get a bill–any bill–out of Finance, just to keep the process moving along. But this dissension among Democrats would make it difficult to pass a bill out of FInance on a straight party-line vote. Even if that were possible, the division among FInance Democrats mirrors division within the Senate Democratic caucus as a whole.
What happens next? I'm not quite sure. While delays would seem to strengthen the opponents of reform, an August vote was already off the table anyway. It's not clear this latest stoppage in Finance, at least, is a problem for its own sake. If anything, a little respite might do some good. It's easy to forget, but congressional staff and the members themselves are
human beings, prone to same behavior as anybody else when under stress.
Everybody is tired and on edge. Tempers are flaring. This is not an environment conducive to progress of any sort.
Nor is dissension always the apocalpytic sign Washington, particularly the media, makes it out to be. The liberals' concern about Senate Finance negotiations were absolutely warranted; in order to satisfy the likes of Enzi and Grassley, the bipartisan group was producing a bill whose resemblance to real reform was becoming more and more difficult to discern. They are right to raise a fuss publicly–and, indeed, should probably have fussed like this earlier. In an ideal world, one way or another this latest episode will shake things up in a way that produces better legislation.
Still, the numbers in the Senate are what they are. Getting 60 votes is not easy to do if the only Republicans supporting reform are the two Senators from Maine, neither of whom has pledged support anyway. Without more conservative Republicans to provide political cover, Democrats like Ben Nelson and Mary Landrieu get very, very antsy. Yes, it'd be nice if they didn't need that cover in the first place. But, to paraphrase the great Donald Rumsfeld, you go to war with the Congress you have.
And, yes, there's always the budget reconciliation process, where you need just 50 votes–rather than 60–to pass a bill. But it's a risky option, at best, given the complicated rules for what the Seante can–and cannot–consider as part of the reconciliation process.
More worrisome still, Democrats still haven't agreed among themselves on the most challenging issue in reform: how to pay for it. There's no shortage of viable ideas on that front. Senator John Kerry's proposal to tax health benefits by taxing insurers, rather than the insured, offers some hope for a broadly acceptable compromise. But the Democrats aren't there yet.
Will they get there soon? And get there in time? It's the question not just about financing, but about reform as a whole. And one to which I have a really solid answer right now.
*Keep in mind, as always, that I know far less about the political process than I do about policy.
–Jonathan Cohn
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Jul 31st
Harold Pollack is a professor at the
University of Chicago School of Social Service Administration and
Special Correspondent for The Treatment.
Greg Mankiw writes
that the gas tax is not an issue that divides liberals and conservatives, but
rather one that divides political consultants and policy wonks. I would put
comparative effectiveness research (CER) in the same category.
Pretty much every health expert notes the insanity of
spending $2.4 trillion on medical goods and services, when we so often are
flying blind about the real value (let alone cost-effectiveness) of what we are
buying. During the campaign, the Obama and McCain camps squabbled about nearly
everything. I don't recall them squabbling about CER. Gail Wilensky, one of
Senator McCain's top health advisors, is a key proponent of these methods.
Insurers and employers support CER, because they want to
know whether that two-month in-patient adolescent psychiatry stay, that $20,000
back surgery, or that costly MRI
will really
help. Doctors want to know which patients really need the next-generation pain
reliever when there is a familiar generic backed up by 20 years of safety and
efficacy data. Patients have an obvious stake in this, too. CER provides key
tools to improve patient safety. Closer to my heart, these methods provide an important
vehicle to expand the provision of preventive care and other public health
measures.
Not everyone agrees with me. For decades, medical device and
pharmaceutical companies, along with several surgical subspecialties have bitterly
opposed the use of CER in public policy, in some cases trying
to de-fund federal agencies charged to do this work. By strange
coincidence, the bitterest opponents of CER are often prominent purveyors of
costly, unproven treatments, medications, and services.
Desperate to find traction against health reform, and to
specifically thwart the use of CER, some of these same players have waged an Astroturf
campaign that proves depressingly effective. Conservative provocateurs, including
Betsy McCaughey, have written deceptive op-eds
supporting this cause. It's easy to spread frightening memes about the use of
CER by a nanny state to ration health care or to justify abandoning Grandma on
the ice floe.
If you want to know what CER actually is, you should check
out the Institute of Medicine's recent
report on the subject, issued only last month. The report is filled with
many examples of creepy socialized medicine, such as the recommendation that
researchers "compare the effectiveness of primary prevention methods, such as
exercise and balance training, versus clinical treatments in preventing falls
in older adults."
This afternoon, the House Energy and Commerce Committee
passed a Republican-sponsored amendment prohibiting
the federal government from "denying or rationing" medical care based on comparative
effectiveness research.
This isn't surprising. Similar riders have accompanied
pretty much every piece of legislation that mentions CER. This still counts as
another hypocritical victory for self-described fiscal conservatives.
–Harold Pollack
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